STATEMENT : THIRD SESSION OF THE PREPARATORY COMMITTEE FOR THE 2026 REVIEW CONFERENCE OF THE PARTIES TO THE TREATY ON THE NON-PROLIFERATION OF NUCLE

STATEMENT BY MALAYSIA

THIRD SESSION OF THE PREPARATORY COMMITTEE FOR THE

2026 REVIEW CONFERENCE OF THE PARTIES TO THE

TREATY ON THE NON-PROLIFERATION OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS (NPT)

NEW YORK

GENERAL DEBATE

TUESDAY, 29 APRIL 2025

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Mr. Chair,

1. At the outset, my delegation congratulates you on your assumption of the role of Chair of this session of the Preparatory Committee, and assures you of our full support.

2. Malaysia aligns itself with the statements delivered on behalf of the NAM States Parties, ASEAN, and TPNW States Parties and Signatories.

3. As conflicts rage and tensions rise in the Middle East, Europe and other regions, the imperative of upholding the global nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime cannot be over-emphasised. It is incumbent upon us, as States Parties to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), to demonstrate that this Treaty - widely recognised as the cornerstone of the said regime - remains resilient, credible and fit for purpose. This is particularly important in preventing a crisis of confidence afflicting the NPT, in the wake of two successive Review Conferences without a substantive outcome.

4. At the same time, any agreed outcome in the NPT review cycle should be predicated on a sufficient level of ambition and political will. In addition to reaffirming existing obligations and commitments, it is also important to identify concrete means of advancing the goal of a world free of nuclear weapons. The prevailing security situation has thrown into sharp relief the unacceptable risks posed by the very existence of such weapons. Regrettably, the Nuclear-Weapon States (NWS) continue to advocate for nuclear deterrence as a means of safeguarding global peace, and even as a bulwark against proliferation. In reality, the corollary to the supposed logic of deterrence is that the security interests of a select group of States are privileged above those of the vast majority, who have foresworn the pursuit of nuclear weapons by subscribing to the “grand bargain” underpinning the NPT.

5. The status quo is untenable, and shows signs of worsening, as nuclear weapons assume rising prominence in military and security concepts, doctrines and policies, with the modernisation of arsenals proceeding unabated. The uncertain trajectory and future of disarmament, non-proliferation and arms control instruments are a cause for great concern, threatening to unravel progress made in reducing stockpiles from their Cold War peak. Indeed, the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs recently reminded us that we are moving towards “dangerous and unchartered territory without the guardrails which have helped to stabilize and sustain global security in the past.”

6. As the International Court of Justice unanimously concluded in its seminal Advisory Opinion of 1996, States have a legal obligation to pursue in good faith and conclude negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects under strict and effective international control. In this respect, the special responsibility of States that rely on nuclear weapons must be discharged effectively, through urgent measures to reduce and abolish nuclear weapons as a matter of high priority. Progress in the NWS’ implementation of their Article VI obligations and related commitments is essential. We cannot afford to await propitious circumstances for the attainment of a nuclear-weapon-free world. If notions of “responsible” possession of nuclear weapons hold sway, the fate of present and future generations will continue to hang precariously in the balance.  

7. Nearly eight decades since nuclear weapons were first tested and used, increasing evidence of their catastrophic humanitarian consequences further underlines an inescapable conclusion - that such weapons are morally repugnant, and detrimental to security and sustainable development for all. The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) represents an earnest effort by Non-Nuclear-Weapon States (NNWS) to advance nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation in a manner that is fully complementary to the NPT.

8. Malaysia also underlines the role of other components of the disarmament architecture, including the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, whose entry into force will ensure the legally binding codification of the global norm against nuclear testing. In addition, nuclear-weapon-free zones have made important contributions to regional and global stability. Their true potential, however, will not be realised without the provision of legally binding negative security assurances by the NWS. As regards the protocol to the Southeast Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone (SEANWFZ) Treaty, Malaysia looks forward to sustained engagement with all NWS, including those with reservations, with a view to resolving all outstanding issues in accordance with the objectives and principles of the SEANWFZ Treaty. We also reaffirm our support for the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East. 

9. Further, in view of the evolving discourse on artificial intelligence in the military domain, it is vital for the NWS to maintain meaningful and effective human control over nuclear weapons and their delivery systems, pending their total elimination. 

10. The full and effective implementation of all three pillars of the NPT is critical in sustaining the Treaty. Malaysia recognises the continued contributions of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), including the indispensable function of its safeguards system in preventing nuclear proliferation. My delegation has full confidence in the impartiality and professionalism of the IAEA, the sole competent authority responsible for verifying compliance with NPT States Parties’ safeguards obligations. We also value initiatives that promote the peaceful uses of nuclear energy and technology, including through the IAEA Technical Cooperation Programme, in line with the inalienable right of States Parties pursuant to Article IV of the NPT.           

Mr. Chair,

11. The stakes are high as we lay the groundwork for next year’s Review Conference, including through our efforts to produce substantive recommendations under your able leadership during the present session.

12. The NPT itself is testament to what can be achieved when we are guided by common goals which transcend narrow perceptions of national interests. Let us work together to realise the full promise of the NPT, by achieving and maintaining a world free from the long shadow cast by nuclear weapons.

Thank you.